Overview

Title

An Act To prohibit any official action to recognize or normalize relations with any Government of Syria that is led by Bashar al-Assad, and for other purposes.

ELI5 AI

The bill says the U.S. shouldn't be friends with Syria's boss, Bashar al-Assad, because he's been mean to people. It makes rules about money and who can play with Syria's money, to make sure they behave better.

Summary AI

H.R. 3202, known as the “Assad Regime Anti-Normalization Act of 2023,” seeks to prohibit any U.S. actions to recognize or establish relations with Syria's government under Bashar al-Assad due to ongoing human rights abuses. It proposes strengthening the Caesar Syria Civilian Protection Act by amending sanction criteria and extending its sunset date to 2032. The Act also establishes a reporting requirement for the U.S. government to keep Congress informed about international normalization efforts with the Assad regime and its manipulation of entities like the United Nations. Additionally, it imposes restrictions on using federal funds that might imply U.S. recognition of Assad's government.

Published

2024-02-26
Congress: 118
Session: 2
Chamber: SENATE
Status: Referred in Senate
Date: 2024-02-26
Package ID: BILLS-118hr3202rfs

Bill Statistics

Size

Sections:
5
Words:
3,888
Pages:
20
Sentences:
28

Language

Nouns: 1,181
Verbs: 274
Adjectives: 202
Adverbs: 43
Numbers: 123
Entities: 253

Complexity

Average Token Length:
4.27
Average Sentence Length:
138.86
Token Entropy:
5.28
Readability (ARI):
71.56

AnalysisAI

General Summary

The "Assad Regime Anti-Normalization Act of 2023" is a legislative effort aimed at reinforcing the United States' stance against normalizing relations with Syria under the leadership of Bashar al-Assad. This bill, introduced in the United States Congress, focuses on expanding sanctions and preventing any formal recognition of Assad's government. The legislation modifies existing sanctions under the Caesar Syria Civilian Protection Act, extends its applicability, and sets forth additional requirements for monitoring and reporting on foreign interactions with the Assad regime. It also mandates the submission of regular reports on the regime's manipulative tactics within international organizations, notably the United Nations.

Summary of Significant Issues

One substantial issue arises from the bill's requirement for the President to impose sanctions based on "clear and convincing evidence." This legal standard may not only result in disputes or diplomatic tensions but also lead to legal challenges due to its potentially ambiguous interpretation. Moreover, the bill's language, especially terms describing activities subject to sanctions, such as "purposefully engages in or directs the diversion of goods," could lead to inconsistent enforcement. This ambiguity could undermine the legislation's effectiveness. Additionally, the legislation sets a transaction threshold for "commercial financial services" at $5,000,000, potentially allowing significant transactions below this amount to escape scrutiny.

The bill includes a severability clause, indicating concerns about the constitutionality and enforceability of certain provisions. This clause suggests that if any part of the law is found unconstitutional, the rest may still stand, although this raises questions about the cohesiveness of the legislation as a whole.

Public Impact

The bill might broadly impact the public by reinforcing the U.S. government's firm stance against the Assad regime, in alignment with human rights advocacy and international legal standards. By setting stricter measures and maintaining economic pressures, the legislation aims to signal the U.S.' refusal to condone Assad's governance and human rights record. For the public, these actions could serve as an assurance of the U.S.'s commitment to international law and global moral standards.

On the other hand, the introduction of additional sanctions and the possible complexities involved in their enforcement may lead to economic repercussions, potentially affecting international markets and diplomatic relations with countries that attempt to normalize ties with Assad's government.

Stakeholder Impact

For stakeholders such as humanitarian organizations, this bill could present challenges. The potential hindrances caused by extensive sanctions may limit their operational capabilities in delivering aid to the affected regions within Syria. Furthermore, the language ambiguities and the broad definition of covered transactions might lead to uncertainties in compliance, complicating efforts by organizations to maintain neutrality and navigate legal requirements.

Conversely, the bill could be seen positively by human rights organizations and advocates. It reflects a commitment to accountability and demonstrates the U.S.'s intention to isolate regimes associated with widespread human rights abuses. These groups may view the legislation as a critical tool in the global effort to pressure authoritarian regimes to enact positive reforms and protect citizens' rights.

Overall, while the "Assad Regime Anti-Normalization Act" aims to deter normalization with an authoritarian regime, its implementation and effectiveness may be challenged by legal, diplomatic, and operational complexities. The bill's impact will largely depend on how these challenges are navigated by government officials, humanitarian organizations, and international stakeholders.

Financial Assessment

The "Assad Regime Anti-Normalization Act of 2023," known as H.R. 3202, makes several references to financial matters, primarily centered around sanctions and transactions related to Syria. The bill does not directly allocate federal funds or involve specific appropriations. However, it is deeply concerned with financial interactions and sanctions as tools for foreign policy.

Financial Thresholds and Sanctions

One of the key financial elements in the bill is the definition of "commercial financial services" as any transaction involving the Syrian government and a foreign bank or financial institution with a value over $5,000,000. This threshold establishes a significant benchmark for transactions that could trigger sanctions. An implication of setting such a high threshold is that any financial interaction below this amount might evade scrutiny, potentially weakening the bill's intended enforcement strength. This ties into the issue mentioned regarding the effectiveness of sanctions, as significant transactions under the threshold could continue without oversight.

Extended Sanction Measures

The amendment to the Caesar Syria Civilian Protection Act extends its sanctions until the end of 2032, lengthening the period during which financial restrictions on Syria might be imposed. This extension signals a long-term commitment to applying economic pressure on entities connected to the Syrian government, influencing how financial resources are channeled in or out of Syria.

Transaction Identifications and Reports

Section 4 of the bill requires reports that identify covered transactions exceeding $500,000. This figure serves as a benchmark for reporting and monitoring international engagements with the Assad regime. The expansive definition of "covered transaction" broadens the scope of oversight, potentially leading to complications in uniformly applying this criterion, as raised in the identified issues. There is concern about inconsistencies in interpreting what transactions fall under this threshold, underscoring a need for clarity in financial definitions to ensure effective implementation.

Potential Administrative Costs

While the bill does not explicitly allocate funds, the enforcement of these expanded sanctions and reporting mechanisms will likely lead to increased administrative and enforcement costs. The lack of clarity on whether these additional costs are considered or budgeted raises concerns about governmental efficiency and resource allocation, as identified in one of the issues. Ensuring that adequate resources are available to enforce these measures without overstretching existing capacities is essential for the legislation's success.

Overall, the bill heavily relies on financial sanctions as a form of deterrence against the normalization of relations with Syria under the Assad regime. The financial thresholds and definitions form a crucial part of its framework, directly relating to various issues concerning clarity, effectiveness, and the administrative burden of enforcement. Addressing these aspects would be vital for the legislation to achieve its intended policy outcomes.

Issues

  • The requirement for the President to impose sanctions based on 'clear and convincing evidence' (Section 2) may lead to disputes over the evidence standard, possibly resulting in legal challenges or diplomatic tensions, especially considering the severity of sanctions.

  • The amendment to the Caesar Syria Civilian Protection Act (Section 2) introduces new sanctions, potentially leading to increased administrative and enforcement costs without clarity if these have been budgeted or considered, impacting governmental efficiency and resources.

  • The ambiguity in language describing activities subject to sanctions (Section 2), such as 'purposefully engages in or directs the diversion of goods', could lead to inconsistent application or enforcement of the legislation, undermining its effectiveness.

  • The bill's prohibition of recognition of the Assad regime (Section 3) lacks specificity in defining what constitutes 'action' implying recognition, which could lead to interpretation challenges and possible breaches of the prohibition due to ambiguity.

  • Section 2 sets a significant transaction threshold for 'commercial financial services' at $5,000,000, which may allow significant transactions below this amount to escape scrutiny, potentially weakening the sanctions' effectiveness.

  • The severability clause included in Section 2 suggests constitutional concerns regarding certain provisions of the bill, raising questions about legality and enforceability.

  • The broad definition of 'covered transaction' (Section 4) may create ambiguity, as it includes a wide range of financial interactions without specific criteria, possibly leading to inconsistent implementations.

  • The reports on manipulation of the United Nations by the Assad regime (Section 5) employ complex language, which might limit accessibility and understanding for a general audience, hindering public awareness and engagement.

Sections

Sections are presented as they are annotated in the original legislative text. Any missing headers, numbers, or non-consecutive order is due to the original text.

1. Short title Read Opens in new tab

Summary AI

The first section of this act provides its name, allowing it to be referred to as the "Assad Regime Anti-Normalization Act of 2023".

2. Modifications to the Caesar Syria Civilian Protection Act Read Opens in new tab

Summary AI

The text outlines amendments to the Caesar Syria Civilian Protection Act, mainly enhancing sanctions against foreign individuals supporting the Syrian government, extending the Act's duration to 2032, and requiring the President to evaluate sanctions applicability to certain Syrian organizations and airlines. It also includes definitions and clarifications on transactions and services subject to sanctions.

Money References

  • is amended— (1) in subsection (a)— (A) in paragraph (1), by striking “the President shall impose” and all that follows through the end of the paragraph and inserting “the President—” “(A) shall impose the sanctions described in subsection (b) with respect to a foreign person that the President determines— “(i) knowingly engages, on or after such date of enactment, in an activity described in paragraph (2); “(ii) is an adult family member of a foreign person described in clause (i), unless the President determines there is clear and convincing evidence that such adult family member has disassociated themselves from the foreign person described in such clause and has no history of helping such foreign person conceal assets; or “(iii) is owned or controlled by a foreign person described in clause (i) or (ii); and “(B) may impose the sanctions described in subsection (b) with respect to a foreign person that the President determines knowingly provides, on or after such date of enactment, significant financial, material, or technological support to a foreign person engaging in an activity described in any of subparagraphs (B) through (H) of paragraph (2);”. (B) in paragraph (2)— (i) in subparagraph (A)— (I) by amending clause (i) to read as follows: “(i) the Government of Syria (including any entity owned or controlled by the Government of Syria), a senior political figure of the Government of Syria, a member of the People’s Assembly of Syria, or a senior foreign political figure (as such term is defined in section 101.605 of title 31, Code of Federal Regulations) of the Arab Socialist Ba’ath Party of Syria, including any such senior foreign political figure who is— “(I) a member of the Central Command, Central Committee, or Auditing and Inspection Committee of such Party; or “(II) a leader of a local branch of such Party;”; (II) in clause (ii), by striking “; or” and inserting a semicolon; (III) in clause (iii), by striking the semicolon and inserting “; or”; and (IV) by adding at the end the following new clause: “(iv) Syria Arab Airlines, Cham Wings, or any foreign person owned or controlled by Syria Arab Airlines or Cham Wings;”; (ii) by amending subparagraph (C) to read as follows: “(C) knowingly sells or provides aircraft or spare aircraft parts— “(i) to the Government of Syria; or “(ii) for or on behalf of the Government of Syria to any foreign person operating in an area directly or indirectly controlled by the Government of Syria or foreign forces associated with the Government of Syria;”; (iii) in subparagraph (D), by striking “; or” and inserting a semicolon; (iv) in subparagraph (E)— (I) by striking “construction or engineering services” and inserting “construction, engineering, or commercial financial services”; and (II) by striking the closing period and inserting a semicolon; and (v) by adding at the end the following new subparagraphs: “(F) purposefully engages in or directs— “(i) the diversion of goods (including agricultural commodities, food, medicine, and medical devices), or any international humanitarian assistance, intended for the people of Syria; or “(ii) the dealing in proceeds from the sale or resale of such diverted goods or international humanitarian assistance, as the case may be; “(G) knowingly, directly or indirectly, engages in or attempts to engage in, the seizure, confiscation, theft, or expropriation for personal gain or political purposes of property, including real property, in Syria or owned by a citizen of Syria; “(H) knowingly, directly or indirectly, engages in or attempts to engage in a transaction or transactions for or with such seized, confiscated, stolen, or expropriated property described in subparagraph (G); or “(I) knowingly provides significant financial, material, or technological support to a foreign person engaging in an activity described in subparagraph (A).”; and (C) by adding at the end the following new paragraphs: “(4) TRANSACTION DEFINED.—For purposes of the determination required by subparagraph (a)(2)(A), the term ‘transaction’ includes in-kind transactions. “(5) ADDITIONAL DEFINITIONS.—In this section: “(A) COMMERCIAL FINANCIAL SERVICES.—The term ‘commercial financial services’ means any transaction between the Government of Syria and a foreign bank or foreign financial institution operating in an area under the control of the Government of Syria that has a valuation of more than $5,000,000. “(B) FINANCIAL INSTITUTION.—The term ‘financial institution’ means a financial institution specified in any of subparagraphs (A) through (K), (M), (N), (P), (R), (T), (Y), or (Z) of section 5312(a)(2) of title 31, United States Code.

3. Prohibition of recognition of Assad regime Read Opens in new tab

Summary AI

The section outlines that the U.S. policy is to neither recognize nor normalize relations with the Syrian government led by Bashar al-Assad, due to its ongoing crimes against Syrians. It prohibits any federal actions or use of federal funds that imply recognition of Assad's government and emphasizes the use of sanctions to oppose such recognition by other governments.

4. Interagency strategy to counter normalization with Assad regime Read Opens in new tab

Summary AI

The bill requires the Secretary of State to submit a yearly report for five years detailing steps the U.S. is taking to counter foreign governments' efforts to establish stronger ties with Bashar al-Assad's regime in Syria. This includes reporting on human rights abuses, listing diplomatic meetings, evaluating significant financial transactions for possible sanctions, and assessing the impact on U.S. national security.

Money References

  • (2) ELEMENTS.—The elements of the report under paragraph (1) shall include— (A) a description of violations of international law and human rights abuses committed by Bashar al-Assad, the Government of the Russian Federation, or the Government of Iran and progress towards justice and accountability for the Syrian people; (B) a full list of diplomatic meetings at the Ambassador level or above, between the Syrian regime and any representative of the Governments of Turkey, the United Arab Emirates, Egypt, Jordan, Iraq, Oman, Bahrain, Kuwait, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, Tunisia, Algeria, Morocco, Libya, or Lebanon, respectively; (C) a list including an identification of— (i) any single covered transaction exceeding $500,000; and (ii) any combination of covered transactions by the same source that, in aggregate, exceed $500,000 and occur within a single year; (D) for each identified single transaction or aggregate transactions, as the case may be, included in the list described in subparagraph (C), a determination of whether such transaction subjects any of the parties to the transaction to sanctions under the Caesar Syria Civilian Protection Act of 2019, as amended by section 2; (E) a description of the steps the United States is taking to actively deter recognition or normalization of relations by other governments with the Assad regime, including specific diplomatic engagements and use of economic sanctions authorized by statutes or implemented through Executive orders, including— (i) the Caesar Syria Civilian Protection Act of 2019 (22 U.S.C. 8791 note); (ii) the Syria Accountability and Lebanese Sovereignty Restoration Act (22 U.S.C. 2151 note); (iii) the Comprehensive Iran Sanctions, Accountability, and Divestment Act of 2010 (22 U.S.C. 8501 et seq.); (iv) Executive Order No. 13894 (84 Fed. Reg. 55851; relating to blocking property and suspending entry of certain persons contributing to the situation in Syria); (v) the Global Magnitsky Human Rights Accountability Act (22 U.S.C. 10101 et seq.); (vi) the Countering America’s Adversaries Through Sanctions Act (22 U.S.C. 9401 et seq.); and (vii) the Foreign Narcotics Kingpin Designation Act (21 U.S.C. 1901 et seq.); and (F) an assessment of how recognition or normalization of relations by other governments with the Assad regime impacts the national security of the United States, prospects for implementation of the United Nations Security Council Resolution 2254, prospects for justice and accountability for war crimes in Syria, and the benefits derived by the Government of the Russian Federation or the Government of Iran. (b) Scope.—The initial report required by subsection (a) shall address the period beginning on January 1, 2021, and ending on the date of the enactment of this Act, and each subsequent report shall address the one-year period following the conclusion of the scope of the prior report. (c) Form.—Each report under subsection (a) shall be submitted in an unclassified form, but may contain a classified annex.

5. Reports on manipulation of United Nations by Assad regime in Syria Read Opens in new tab

Summary AI

The section mandates that the Secretary of State submit annual reports for five years on how the Assad regime in Syria manipulates the United Nations. These reports should cover various aspects like imposed conditions on UN operations, potential beneficial ties to the regime, improper aid benefits, and propose strategies to reduce such manipulation, ensuring aid is delivered neutrally and impartially.